The Culmination of Past Demonology in 15th-17th Century Europe: How Religion Became Magic

Throughout time, the understanding of demons and spirits in Christianized Europe has changed drastically. Culminating in the 15th to 17th centuries, the study of magic and demons finds its roots in the Bible and experiences societal, intellectual, and religious revolutions that shift its perception greatly. By first examining the Biblical origins of the subject, the genuine, divinely revealed aspects of it can be used as the foundation for future development. Then, transitioning into the revolutionary medieval period, it becomes formally codified into Catholic theology after establishing for itself a proper, rational system of belief with the aid of scholastic theology and its classical influence. This history of development will reach its peak in the social hysteria of early modern Europe, an era plagued with irrationality, superstition, and fear as a result of decades of famine and intense inquisition. In this case, “magic” ought not to be considered as mere superstition, but rather a mode of interpreting spiritual, supernatural power able to be manipulated through ritual or knowledge.

The rapid emergence of magic in this era is not simply the corruption of theology and existing doctrine; instead, it is the resurfacing of long-standing folkloric practices that had escaped the suppression of scholasticism and the Church. It can be better understood as the reclamation and amplification of local, long-held beliefs under the pressure of societal crisis and inquisitorial anxiety, which, when filtered through an intellectual framework, results in the synthesis of scholastic and popular belief. The study of such transformation in thought will highlight the interplay between theology and folklore, showing how one can influence the other over time.

Biblical Foundations

The Bible serves as the predominant source for the understanding of demons and spirits in a Christianized Europe. Both the Old and New Testaments contain an exposition of demonic entities and their interactions with humans. It is with this Biblical framework that the understanding of demonic entities, their nature, abilities, and limitations can be found. This will provide the foundation for Christian demonology and its theological interpretations throughout history.

In the Old Testament, the concept of demons is not as thoroughly developed as in the New Testament. However, there are still several passages that lay the foundation for future thought. There is no explicit definition of demons in the Bible, but there is the presence of evil spirits who act as adversaries to God and man. The inaugural book of the Bible, Genesis, portrays the Serpent as a tempter to Adam and Eve, persuading them to eat the forbidden fruit of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil and sin, acting in direct defiance of God’s command. God proceeds to curse not only Adam and Eve with several consequences, including death, but more notably, also the Serpent.

Genesis notes this Serpent as special, “more crafty than any other wild animal that the LORD God had made.”^[1] Along with this craftiness is the ability to communicate with humans and to persuade them. This Serpent is clearly above the rest of God’s animals in terms of intellect and ability, but perhaps it is not even an animal at all. Its punishment suggests that it is something far beyond a mere garden snake. In the verse that many Christians interpret as a prophecy of Jesus Christ, the Protoevangelium, God says to the Serpent, “I will put enmity between you and the woman [Eve], and between your offspring and hers; he will strike your head and you will strike his heel.”^[2] This statement of God, foretelling a generational struggle between humanity and the “offspring” of the Serpent, depicts it as the primary enemy of man, who will ultimately triumph over it. This specific serpent does not appear again for the rest of the Old Testament, but in its nature of being an adversary of God, it can, for now, effectively be equated with Satan, who does appear more frequently. In the Book of Job, Job is depicted as a blameless and morally upright man whose faith in God is unquestionable. Later in the book, it is written, “One day the heavenly beings [sons of God] came to present themselves before the LORD, and Satan also came among them.”^[3] Shortly after, Satan criticizes Job, telling God he only respects Him because of his blessings, “but stretch out your hand now, and touch all that he has, and he will curse you to your face.^[4]” In response to this, God allows Satan to do as he wishes to test Job, save for attacking him directly. While this story is primarily an example of piety and faith in God through adversity, it also contains information for characterizing Satan. This adversary, Satan, first appears with the heavenly beings, suggesting he is of similar ability or essence as them. He also acts as a challenger to God, and in response, is allowed to wreak havoc on Job’s livelihood. Here, the existence of an evil being, adverse to God and humanity, is solidified. Such malevolent entities, Satan, in this case, can be understood as being similar to the “heavenly beings,” which posits them as having similar origins. Furthermore, Satan, despite harboring malicious intentions, only acts with the permission of God, suggesting that even in their rebellious nature, they remain under the jurisdiction of God. The presence of heavenly beings implies that there are good counterparts to malevolent entities, or angels, as readers of the Old Testament will soon come to know them. These evil spirits are not yet given a title, but the Book of Tobit later refers to them as demons and even identifies one by name. The Book of Tobit, canon in Catholicism and Orthodoxy, showcases the frightening abilities of demons and the intervention of angels. In this book^[5], the angel Raphael is sent to deliver a woman, Sarah, from her torment by the demon Asmodeus, who has killed seven of her past husbands before they were able to consummate the marriage. The prime instrument in this deliverance is Tobias, the son of Tobit, who sought to marry Sarah. Regarding the repellence of Asmodeus, Raphael instructs Tobias,

“When you enter the bridal chamber, take some of the fish’s liver and heart, and put them on the embers of the incense. An odor will be given off; the demon will smell it and flee, and will never be seen near her any more. Now when you are about to go to bed with her, both of you must first stand up and pray, imploring the Lord of heaven that mercy and safety may be granted to you.”^[6]

When Tobias follows this procedure, the demon flees and is pursued by Raphael, who binds him. It is unclear how Sarah’s past husbands perished, but the ability of demons to kill is clear. It also seems that with a ritual and divine intervention, these spirits can also be exorcised. The Bible does not elaborate on the relevance of the fish organs. Perhaps it was once a well-known folk remedy or a common beast repellent. Regardless, it reflects the belief that certain material objects can impact an incorporeal, spiritual world, and more importantly, it emphasizes the authority of God and his deliverance. The demon is only bound and vanquished with the help of Raphael, and even then, he implores Tobias and Sarah to pray. This is a reminder to Tobias and the reader that the power over spirits is God’s alone, a reminder that many millennia later will forget.

The New Testament reveals much more about the spiritual world than its predecessor, with frequent mention of demons and their interactions with humans. The Gospels recount numerous instances of Jesus casting out demons and shift the perspective of demons from being physical, violent threats to a more deceptive, spiritual hazard. In one of the most recognizable encounters in the New Testament, Jesus directly confronts Satan during his 40-day fast in the desert. When Satan’s tempting of Jesus to test God fails, he gives Him one final proposition: “The devil took him to a very high mountain and showed him all the kingdoms of the world and their splendor; and he said to him, ‘All these I will give you, if you will fall down and worship me.’” This passage presents a Scriptural source for the making of arrangements with demons for worldly gain. It exemplifies the deceptive and tempting prowess of malignant spirits and their ability to influence the physical world. This ability of demons to grant wealth and power is perhaps the primary purpose for which man summons demons. Later in His ministry, in one of the most detailed exorcisms in the Bible, Jesus encounters a man tormented and possessed by a multitude of demons, who called themselves “Legion.” Recognizing the authority of Jesus as the Son of God, the demons beg to be spared and sent into a herd of pigs, which then rush into a lake and drown themselves. This excerpt^[7] reveals even more about the nature of demons. They can impose control over individuals, leading them to isolation and self-harm, and they may act collectively. Their immediate recognition of Jesus’ identity not only contributes to the understanding that these beings possess keen spiritual insight but also reveals their limitations when confronted by divine authority. This divine authority is not for all to command, however. The Acts of the Apostles catalogs an interaction between Jewish exorcists and evil spirits. The exorcists attempt to command the spirits in the name of Jesus, to which it responds, “Jesus I know, and Paul I know; but who are you?^[8]” The evil spirit then proceeds to humiliate the men, forcing them to flee nude. Here, the demon acknowledges both Jesus and Paul, indicating its awareness of those who operate genuinely under the authority of God. The Jewish exorcists presumptuously wield the name of God without being fully knowledgeable or having established a relationship with God, highlighting the danger of recklessly engaging with demonic forces. Finally, the Book of Revelation reveals demons to be fallen angels that have aligned themselves with Satan in rebellion against God. The writer describes his vision of the heavenly rebellion,

“And war broke out in heaven…the great dragon was thrown down, that ancient serpent, who is called the Devil and Satan, the deceiver of the whole world—he was thrown down to the earth, and his angels were thrown down with him.”

The Serpent of Genesis is at last revealed to be Satan, and acting with him are his fallen angels, who prowl about the world as the same demons previously seen in Scripture. This last book of the Bible finalizes the foundations of demonology upon which scholars in the future will build. The evil spirits of the Bible are demons, who seek to ruin the relationship of mankind with God. These supernatural beings can act violently or deceptively, promising their victims worldly pleasures in exchange for loyalty. Despite the knowledge and power of these entities, it is clear that they fully submit to those who wield the authority of God, something many in the future will either fail to wield or disregard entirely.

A Shift in Perspective

For a large part of medieval demonology, beliefs were largely rooted in a mix of the previously expounded Biblical exegesis and local folklore. One might question how perspective shifted from viewing demons as horrifying spirits that yield only to God to seeing them as helpers and keepers of hidden knowledge that many sought to harness. The dramatic development of demonological thought in early modern Europe can, to an extent, be attributed to the intellectual and theological foundations laid during the medieval period. The shift in perspective that defined the boldness of the early modern era was not only the result of the rise of humanism in the Renaissance but also the return to classical thought, which catalyzed the development of scholastic theology, seeking to rationalize and systematize belief in the supernatural. This new standard of intellectual thought, combined with the religious and social tensions and insecurities of the period, created an ideal environment for the expansion of demonological thought. The introduction of Aristotelian thought would ontologically relocate the study of demons from the realm of theological mystery into an ordered, natural system. The organization of these formerly inscrutable entities into preternatural beings of an intelligible structure allows for them to be intellectually approachable, for it they are not, after all, supernatural, then they can be studied and manipulated. Understanding this shift first requires acknowledging the medieval foundations upon which these developments would be built.

Regarding the impact of scholasticism, Euan Cameron, in his book, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion, 1250-1750, identifies Dominican Saint Thomas Aquinas as “easily the most influential of the scholastics in the area of popular beliefs and ‘superstitions.’”^[9] By reconciling Catholic theology with Aristotelian metaphysics, Aquinas not only revolutionized the ecclesiastical sphere but also the study of the occult. Following the framework of natural philosophy, he is able to develop a consistent, rational system of how the soul and spiritual beings operate. While his work exposing the spiritual hazard and deception of demons is certainly intended as a warning, his acknowledgment of the inconceivably higher intellect of such beings led to it having the opposite effect on some. The possibility that demons were an abundant source of esoteric knowledge was enough for some of the foolishly brave to seek them.

In his Summa Theologica, Aquinas addresses numerous questions about the nature and capabilities of spiritual beings. This convincing systematization and thoughtful definition of what could and could not happen allowed future scholars to experiment properly and further develop demonological thought. He generally reaches his conclusions through the employment of a variety of philosophical techniques far too wordy to be discussed concisely here but his findings can be summarized appropriately. It should be noted that the adoption of Thomistic scholasticism by the Church serves an institutional purpose. By defining miracles as strictly providential and outside of natural possibility, that is, exclusive to God, and reducing demonic feats to preternatural manipulations within nature, the Church secures solely for itself a claim to the supernatural.

Scholastic demonology therefore emerges not only as a rational development but also a political one, establishing theological boundary and securing ecclesiastical authority. To begin, Aquinas affirms the incorporeal, strictly spiritual, and eternal nature of angels and demons suggested in scripture. For most other deductions, he strays from strict exegesis and instead finds them through reason. Regarding the intellect of demons and angels, he remarks their extreme intelligence, unfathomable to the human mind, “by such knowledge as the angels have of things through the Word, they know all things under one intelligible species, which is the Divine essence. Therefore, as regards such knowledge, they know all things at once^[10].” When Aquinas speaks of angels and their capabilities, it can be safely assumed that such capabilities are transferable to demons, for he identifies them as being of the same origin and substance. By nature of their proximity to God in their creation, angels and demons exhibit a transcendent knowledge of both the Creator and the natural world. As for why men of the future would seek to summon demons instead of angels, it can be explained by what Aquinas writes of the will of such spirits. Angels strictly obey the will of God. Indeed, they are in possession of free will, but their will is perfectly aligned with the will of God, for their knowledge of the good is such a degree higher than man’s^[11]. As for why demons do not exercise such prudence, Aquinas proposes an interesting consequence regarding the fall of angels. He writes that angels are not created in this state of beatitude, where they are endowed with such grace to know good. Instead, angels earn this ultimate perfection after their first “act of charity.”^[12] This first “act” can then be assumed as their allegiance to God during the fall, in which Satan and his angels had been disgraced. Satan and his demons, who failed their sole test of heavenly allegiance, do not earn their beatification and hence do not have the privilege of sanctifying grace. They do, however, retain their natural gifts, their supreme knowledge of the world with which all angels, good or evil, are imbued. As a result, their free will is not directed toward obedience to God, but instead, their “common wickedness whereby they hate men, and fight against God’s justice.”^[13] From this, a person seeking hidden knowledge would not think to summon an angel, for their will is God’s alone, and if God had willed for them to receive such knowledge, He would already have revealed it. Demons, however, are not bound by such virtue, leaving them to be the ideal mode of divination. Cameron adds, “Since magical rituals were often used to procure sinful or indecent things…these could not be appeals to good spirits, that is, blessed angels. Magical rituals must therefore consist of appeals to evil spirits.”^[14]

In a direct infusion of classical thought, Aquinas identifies a hierarchy within the realm of angels and demons using Pseudo-Dionysius’ De Coelesti Hierarchia. Aquinas divides the angels into nine orders, separated into three hierarchies dictated by their proximity to God. In descending groups of three, he identifies the Seraphim, Cherubim, and Thrones; Dominations, Virtues, and Powers; and Principalities, Archangels, and Angels. Each order is given a different role, purpose, and additionally enjoys differing degrees of proximity to God^[15]. Demons, after their fall, also kept this hierarchy, though obviously without any degree of connection to God. Because of the innate difference in their creation, it also posits that there are varying degrees of power and intelligence throughout the different orders^[16]. This affirms Lucifer, traditionally understood as the greatest of all angels prior to his fall, at the apex of the demonological hierarchy^[17]. Many scholars of the future era will take note of this difference and seek to summon demons varying in degree.

Perhaps the most significant area of angelic and demonic theology that Aquinas develops is the limits he places on their capabilities. From the Bible alone, it appears that evil spirits can do extraordinary deeds, manipulating natural forces to their favor and imposing their will on mortal men. Aquinas instead rationalizes their physical limits and posits explanations for how such events may have appeared. Regarding supernatural occurrences, he states that angels and demons are unable to perform miracles, defining a miracle as “something done outside the order of nature.” He goes on to elaborate that “whatever an angel or any other creature does by its own power, is according to the order of created nature; and thus it is not a miracle.”^[18] This vastly limits the power of spiritual entities, as previously believed. In this sense, angels and demons are not supernatural but preternatural. That is, the seemingly extraordinary acts they perform are simply exercises of their vast intellect that man cannot comprehend. It is the demons’ cunning use of his intellect that makes him so dangerous. Aquinas rationalizes that whatever appearance a demon assumes or images it projects on a person must only be purely illusory. He does concede, however, that they can produce something real. The magicians of Pharaoh’s court, for example, are acknowledged by him to have produced real serpents and frogs through the aid of demons. They are not created ex nihilo, of course, for that would be truly supernatural and something only God could do. Rather, Aquinas suggests that it is the advanced manipulation of biological processes that demons accomplish the facade^[19]. While demons can influence the imagination and senses of man by abusing their knowledge, they cannot impose their will since the will is solely moved by the intellect. They can, however, greatly influence the will through external means. It is through this subtle, external influence on the will that demons are able to tempt so cunningly and skillfully. Fortunately, the will can never be compelled by anyone but its keeper, allowing men of fortitude to remain steadfast in virtue. In light of this, one might question the intricacies of demonic possession if demons cannot impose themselves onto people. Aquinas does not directly discuss this topic in the Summa, but given his previous exposition on the capabilities of spirits, it could be inferred that cases of demonic possession can be viewed as the result of excess torment by demons and projection of false imagery to the mind and senses. Regardless, Aquinas, by defining the constraints of spiritual influence on man and the physical world, had quelled some irrational beliefs regarding demons. It is certainly possible that this formal limitation of their powers could have emboldened the next era of foolish men who believed themselves able to outsmart and control them.

The scholastic insistence on the distinction between supernaturality and preternaturality in demons reduces the abject terror previously attributed to them. Redefining them as manipulators of natural law and systematizing a substance, form, and operation for them enables them to be interacted with more boldly. If demons act according to their nature, then their behavior and abilities can be studied, influenced, and controlled. While this thought is rather naive, it nonetheless helps explain the audacity of later occult practitioners. The post-scholastic magus found themself bargaining not with a supernatural being of pure malignance, but rather a creature with limited (yet still amazing) capabilities whose operation could be compelled through ritual knowledge.

Aquinas’ scholastic theology presents a highly systematic and rational definition of spiritual beings, integrating Catholic theology with classical thought. His development on these subjects is nothing short of revolutionary. Cameron agrees, stating the return to Aristotelian metaphysics “equipped the writers on this subject with a reasonably stable and authoritative guide to how things happened, as well as what could and could not happen in the supernatural realm.^[20]” While he did not directly address some topics, Aquinas deserves much credit for the shift in perspective surrounding demonology and the occult. This Thomistic groundwork and rationalization gave intellectual legitimacy to future academic pursuits of this subject and provided a rich catalyst for the dramatic development in demonological thought that would occur in the early modern period.

Early Modern Beliefs

The 15th century marked a period of significant transition in European intellectual and religious thought. The presence of the Inquisition and its war against heresy seeped far into the edges of societal thought. This, paired with the fears and insecurities typical of a time still recovering from great plague and famine decades prior, created the conditions for an era of spiritual paranoia. This period of social, political, and religious shift heightened such irrationality and widespread fear.

These anxieties would culminate in the demonization of sorcery and its concomitant witch hunts. Furthermore, as scholastic demonology diffused beyond the Church and the university, it did not carry with it the intellectual safeguards of its origin. Its classifications and limits would be selectively appropriated. Combining this with the instability and anxieties of the time leads the demonological development in this era to be filled with unfounded accusations and the abuse of authority. The most infamous of all literature to result from this period is undoubtedly the Malleus Maleficarum, or The Hammer of the Witches. Christopher Mackay, who provided translation and commentary of the original Latin text, writes^[21], “The great persecutions of sorcery that lasted from the fifteenth until the early seventeenth centuries were based upon a new notion of sorcery that can be termed ‘satanism.’” If heresy was the ultimate sin against God, then sorcery, in its new association with Satan, was the most grievous form of heresy. Accompanying this satanic view of sorcery is the conspiracy belief in an esoteric, malevolent society fronted by Satan himself through his witches. It is for the purpose of combating this new heresy that the Malleus Maleficarum is written. Published in 1487 by Dominican friar Heinrich Kramer, the Malleus Maleficarum became a deeply influential demonological text of the early modern period and was used heavily, at least in secular courts, in the legal prosecution against witches. It should not be mistaken, however, that by its Dominican origin, it can be assumed to be an intelligible text grounded in proper reason. Kramer verily respects Aquinas as a scholastic giant of his same order and even uses the same disputed question format of the Summa in the first part of the book, but for some reason, completely disregards his reverence for rational thought. His inquisitorial methods drew many objections from the clergy, and much of the contents in this book are strangely ordered to the sexual habits of women. In one instance^[22], a bishop wrote a letter demanding that Kramer leave his diocese. Cameron regards the Malleus as a “curiously disordered and extreme text. It displayed greater credulity and less theological discipline than most other works of the Dominican school,” lamenting later that its authority was “clumsily written but appallingly commercially successful.”^[23]

To his credit, he does adhere to some Thomistic principles, such as the hierarchy of spirits and limitations of demons on man, but at points in his text, he departs so much from Thomistic demonology in favor of sensational ideas that it is a genuine wonder how such a piece of work took off.

As an example of Kramer’s strange obsession with deeming women as evil, he wrote of the etymology of the word woman, “the word ‘femina’ is spoken as ‘fe’ and ‘minus,’ because she has and keeps less faith…Woman, therefore, is evil as a result of nature because she doubts more quickly in the Faith…this being the basis for acts of sorcery^[24].” It is by the wrong etymology of the Latin term that Kramer justifies an evil nature in women. His entire book almost entirely refers to women, hence the feminine word Maleficarum. While there are numerous inconsistencies and departures from proper scholastic thought in his text, Kramer’s lack of affinity for theology and wide inclusion of folk belief make it an informative guide to how the understanding of sorcery impacted society at the time^[25]. For example, the idea of demonic pacts, in which a man would pledge his allegiance to a demon in exchange for worldly attainment, has been present since the Bible, but Kramer expands on such events and gives a description of the folkloric belief behind it. These descriptions are not theologically grounded but nonetheless illustrate society’s understanding of it. He writes,

“There are two methods of making the avowal. One is a ceremonial way similar to a ceremonial vow…The ceremonial one is carried out among them when the sorceresses come to a certain assembly on a fixed day and see the demon…he urges them to keep their faith to him, which would be accompanied by prosperity in temporal matters and longevity of life.”^[26]

From excerpts such as these, a wealth of exposition can be found regarding demonological thought. The pledge of obedience in exchange for prosperity is clear, but the allusions to the inversion of Catholic ceremonies are present. The vow to the demon can be seen as a juxtaposition to Christianity’s Baptismal vows or marriage vows, where instead of promising their life to God and their spouse, they pledge their soul to the demon. The fixed day is a reference to the Witch’s Sabbath, a perversion of the Christian Sabbath where cultists gather and worship their demons instead of God^[27]. The belief in these phenomena is reflective of the new societal view of sorcery being the ultimate heresy and offense to God, for it inverts the worship of God to the worship of evil. In another case, Kramer writes of the use of cursed objects as the agents of sorcerous acts, noting that they are often inconspicuous objects such as stones or wood, and that the remedy of the curses they bring requires the destruction of the objects, either through burning or exorcism with holy water and salt.^[28] In cases of weather manipulation, such as hail, he states that the hailstone must be cast into fire, along with an invocation of the Trinity, prayers, and specific Bible verses. Finally, he notes^[29] that “the mere casting of the hailstones into the fire would be considered superstitious, if this is done without the invocation of the Divine Name.” Kramer again cites no theological source for this, and later, concerning a similar topic, he notes that these remedies are what were revealed to him by sorceresses, who, more plainly put, were often women who confessed under duress of torture^[30]. These remedies that Kramer catalogs are quite interesting to speculate on, often revealing more about the time than what Kramer could have said explicitly. The idea of the hailstones in the fire being superstitious without a divine invocation suggests that the only difference between demonic “sorcery” and remediating rituals is the focus on God. In this sense, early modern Europeans genuinely saw the Church and the miracles it could perform equally as “magical” as superstitious practice, with solely the emphasis on God making the former theologically permissible, while the other is condemnable. Furthermore, the incantations of specific Biblical verses could suggest the belief that different words and verses held unique effects against demonic forces. Indeed, the beliefs of this era are far removed from the grounded, rational thought of centuries past, but the drastic differences are incredibly characteristic of this more irrational, fantastical time. Heinrich Kramer should have been a chronicler instead of an inquisitor, for the storytelling components of the Malleus Maleficarum contain far more depth than his theology. Of course, this was not his intent. The Malleus was intended to be a contemporary witch-hunting exhortation, and from a non-theological, social perspective, he was wildly successful. This tome effectively instigated the witch-hunting phenomenon for the next few centuries. The ideas he presents in the text represent a drastic shift in society’s approach to the supernatural, where instead of focusing on the deceptive allure of demons like Aquinas did, he instead chooses to emphasize their frightening power and the physical hazards those associated with demons could bring.

Kramer’s inclusion of folkloric fears and anecdotal experiences allows him to prey on the fear of an increasingly paranoid society, enabling him to justify the harsh views he had toward witches, and possibly women entirely. He does note himself^[31], however, that the main focus of the Malleus is on the sorcery practices of a lowly educated class, generally women. The text does not write of the “high” magic that the intellectual elite, often apostate clergy, practiced. Such practice required the use of grimoires, essentially magical textbooks, and was often associated with black magic.^[32] It is in this more intellectual magic that a slightly more faithful adherence to the scientific, methodical approach of the previous age is maintained. In contrast to the Malleus, this higher magic contains a more esoteric approach to demonology, focusing on the pursuit of hidden knowledge. For many occultists seeking higher knowledge, the grimoire of choice would be the Lemegeton, or, as it is more colloquially known, the Lesser Key of Solomon. This incredibly influential text ^[33]was compiled in the 17th century, though most of its material is found in earlier manuscripts dating back as early as the 14th century. The grimoire comprises five books, each discussing topics ranging from a catalog of demons to prayers and invocations. In this sense, it not only acts as a manuscript for the systematization of early modern high demonology but also as a diverse library of texts that synthesize folkloric magic with grounded, theological beliefs reflective of the era’s fascination with the supernatural.

The first book, the Ars Goetia, compiles an index of 72 demons, detailing their names, ranks, abilities, and rituals for summoning and controlling them. This depicts a great shift in the perception of demons, at least in higher circles, where occultists now see themselves as above spirits. The demons described in the Goetia are those that King Solomon of the Old Testament was attributed to summoning. Within the catalog, a few familiar Biblically named demons can be found. Asmodeus of the Book of Tobit is found in the grimoire, where he is described as a

three-headed king of Hell who governs 72 legions of demons. Should a brave exorcist be able to control him, he will bestow the exorcist with a ring that reveals the complete knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy. He can also make the summoner invisible and guide him to treasure^[34]. The grimoire lists another Biblical demon, Belial, whom Paul mentions in 2 Cor 6:15. No two demons mentioned in the book are alike, for Belial has different powers, demands, and history from Asmodeus. He is described as a brilliant demon and king, second only to Lucifer himself. Excessively proud like his superior, he presents himself as a beautiful angel on a flaming chariot and speaks with a charismatic voice. Additionally, he also demands sacrifices and gifts in return for his service, and while he does not offer knowledge, he can influence the favor of others onto the exorcist, making him an ideal summon for those seeking public office.36 There are 70 other demons mentioned in the grimoir,e but the identification of these two should suffice for the purposes of displaying the unique intricacies and natures which vary among demons. The precautions the summoner must take to protect himself are also fascinating. The text describes an extremely necessary runic circle of protection, to be made nine feet across with the divine names of God around the circumference. There are also other general protective measures, such as seals, rings, and other shapes, but unique for every demon is the etching of its seal into a “lamen.”37 Lamen can be understood as armored plates to be worn by the summoner for protection and command. These are to be made in metals of varying purity corresponding to the hierarchical status of the summoned demon. In the case of Belial and Asmodeus, who are kings of the highest level, gold must be used.38 The creation of these physical objects is suggested to require of its creator a status of internal and external purity. Its creator must be removed from women for a month^[35], be in a state of fasting and prayer, and be absolved of his sins^[36]. Interestingly, while the grimoire contains depictions of demons independent of the Bible and clearly contains ideas antithetical to Christianity, it does observe some adherence to Christian demonology. Indeed, it is a step-by-step guide to communicating with demons, but it also acknowledges the authority of the sole God of the Bible and frequently credits Him as being the defense of the summoner against malice, emphasizing prayer, fasting, and reliance on God throughout the text. It faithfully retains the hierarchical tiering of demons and recognizes the differences in power and ability, yet in other aspects identifies some demons as “good-natured”^[37] and not entirely malicious, a deep contrast to their characterization by Aquinas. All these examples testify to the progressively blurred lines between religion and magic in early modern Europe and showcase the effect of merging local, folkloric ideas with the uniform beliefs of a widespread Church.

The grimoire departs from spirits and demons and reflects a more spiritual approach to

self-enlightenment in its final book, the Ars Notoria. It contains prayers and invocations said to have been given to Solomon by the archangel Michael and is said to be the culmination of Solomonic magic.^[38] The book itself opens with a very Christian prayer for complete knowledge, invoking God, the Trinity, Christ, and the saints. Its contents do not specify any physical rituals but instead, hold an overwhelming amount of orations to be said for a multitude of purposes, ranging from good memory, to physical health, or to what the author calls the “liberal and mechanical arts.”^[39] The liberal arts are, as expected, concerning grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric, but the mechanical arts are more magical. These mechanical arts are hydromancy, pyromancy, necromancy, chiromancy, geomancy, astronomy, and “neogia,” which is undefined. These are all divinatory practices, which the author does not mention any further, save for the suggestion that some orations may grant lucidity during divination^[40]. An interesting fusion of culture and religion influences this text. In a sense, it is deeply religious as it is centered entirely around praying to God using a very technical language and approach. There is a prayer explicitly asking for the grace of the Holy Spirit while implementing astrological practice, requiring a certain lunar phase and zodiacal positioning for maximum efficacy^[41]. One prayer reads, “Blesse Oh Lord this place, that there may be in it Holy Sanctity, chastity, meekness, victory, holiness, humility, goodness, plenty, obedience of the Law, to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost” and immediately after adds, “When you would operate, have respect to the Lunations: they are to be chosen in those moneths, when the ⨀ rules in ♊ and ♍ ♈ ♌ ♎ ♉ may begin.”^[42] The frequent use of such astrological terms and symbols without

explanation suggests that it must have been common knowledge at the time, at least to the educated elite. When reciting these orations, the author notes that if the practitioner is unable to perceive any effects, they are to repeat it while visualizing it in their mind. The author seemingly regards these practices as not requiring special talent and that with enough intensity and repetition, the effects will be very tangible.^[43] From a certain perspective, the Ars Notoria is very reminiscent of Christian mysticism, only with astrological and magical influence. Its reliance on repeated prayer, meditation, and contemplation of God attests to its generally pious pursuit and desire to reconcile magic and religion, similar to how Aquinas had harmonized classical thought with theology.

The Lesser Key of Solomon in its entirety reflects not only the beliefs of occult practitioners but also the broader cultural currents of the time. At points, its emphasis on the authority of God, along with the order and hierarchy of demons, parallels the scholastic theology of the past era, but its welcoming portrayal of demons as sources of supernatural assistance resonates with the increasingly outlandish thoughts regarding sorcery at the time.

The demonological developments of the early modern period reflect a significant shift in perception of the supernatural, a shift influenced by societal anxieties and the integration of folklore into a Christian theology that not many of the lower class had the privilege of accessing. The early modern European era can be characterized by a departure from the rational scholasticism of centuries prior, which allowed superstition to be transformed into a tool for social control and the justification of persecution, as instigated by the Malleus. Where the Malleus sought to use superstition as a guide for condemnation, the Lemegeton sought to blend theological principles with occult knowledge in a manner that retains some academic rigor. In this sense, it represents more the cultural tension across classes. Kramer’s text, intended for use against the uneducated, easily manipulated lower class, preyed on the fear that was dominant in such circles. The Lemegeton, which already required a strong academic background to read, was clearly intended for the intellectual elite. It is the shared pursuit of knowledge among this class that allowed it to view superstition and magic more scientifically, seeking to harmonize it with theology and further blur the line that divided them. The overall transformation of demonological understanding from Biblical times through early modern Europe reflects a deeply interesting evolution in religious, intellectual, and social thought. Beginning with clear Biblical warnings against association with malevolent entities, it undergoes significant development in later centuries, where it establishes a complex, grounded theological framework, and finally becomes degraded in social mania, where it is then abused for persecution and bizarre esoteric pursuit. The Church’s careful, philosophical foundation of the subject established in the Middle Ages provided fruitful ground for its sensational descent into superstition, adulterated by the intertwining of folk belief, which many believed in just as fervently as they did Christianity. The blurring of the line that divided folklore and religion wove the two into one complex tapestry, characterized by the spiritual beliefs that ruled the age, and along with it, an important lesson. The greater the efforts of the Church to define and regulate the supernatural, the more conceptual tools it provided for practitioners to abuse. In attempting to rationalize and systematize mystery, Church theologians enabled it to be manipulated. In early modern Europe, religion and magic had become one and the same, the only difference being the master whom they served. This fusion of religion and magic is therefore not a failure of theology, but the consequence of its success.

Bibliography

Aquinas, Thomas. “The Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas.” SUMMA THEOLOGIAE. Accessed December 7, 2024. https://www.newadvent.org/summa/.

Cameron, Euan. Enchanted europe: Superstition, reason and religion, 1250-1750. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

Institoris, Heinrich. The hammer of witches: A complete translation of the malleus maleficarum.

Translated by Christopher S. Mackay. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Peterson, Joseph H., trans. The lesser key of Solomon: Lemegeton Clavicula Salomonis: Detailing the ceremonial art of commanding spirits both good and evil. York Beach, Me: Weiser Books, 2001.